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Archive for July, 2011

By Alfie van den Bos

One of the many ways to judge a modern society is via its media, be it newspapers, television or even the internet. For instance totalitarian societies have always had illiberal approaches to expression and thus the Soviet and Nazi publications, though promoting different ideals, were greatly akin in how they suppressed alternate fashions of opinion and maintained a dull oneness in practically every realm of information. In contrast, the USA, founded by classical liberals, has always enjoyed one of the most heterogeneous appetites for opinion within its media, in line with its love of democracy, with over 500,000 elected posts nationwide. A nation’s media, as a pool of ideas and opinions, can thus be seen to reflect, at least partially, the values and norms of the citizens that interact with it. Therefore, it seems that the ongoing débâcle concerning the alleged misdeeds of certain News International journalists is but a microcosm of a wider malaise that raises crucial questions about the very state of our media as a whole, including all newspaper owners, if not the nation itself. Beyond debates over what constitutes correct media practice and ethical standards, one feels that the ways we perceive information, along with the philosophies that guide such attitudes are rendered increasingly uncertain. When we look into the by now muddied puddle of tabloid or red-top journalism, the pride of our intellects is drowned in the stark realisation that we can only see ourselves.

Of course the individuals in question deserve blame, if proved guilty of wrongdoing, but more widely, I cannot escape the thought that everyone is somehow linked to this concoction of immorality welling up from the corridors of power, that have essentially been found for many years, not in Westminster or Whitehall but in Wapping. Indeed these problems relate to both the irregular methodology of selected journalists at the sacrificed News of the World and the general approach to reportage adopted by the Murdoch Empire, as well as the excess concentrations of political capital and power in the hands of the News International cabal.

 

The reason I feel this is an issue that affects everyone is that which I argued in the opening paragraph, media is reflective of social values regardless of how much we may wish to blind ourselves to these reflections. All UK newspapers are private enterprises, as should be in a democracy, and so all have to sell themselves by appealing to the popular interest of their targeted audience. Ergo one cannot purely show disdain towards the irregular lengths some tabloids will go to acquire stories on public figures and celebrities, as they are merely surviving the fickle waves of the economy by publishing what the average Briton is interested in; tits, gossip, reality shows etc. As the national majority becomes more and more addicted to this type of news its sources dry up, as public figures close off their private lives, yet the continual demand pressurises these publications to seek increasingly questionable solutions. No doubt that some of those mourning Princess Diana’s death would have been the ones devouring pictures of her, had she survived and the press photographers got their images. Consequently the solution to this must lie not in external regulation of the media, which would be detrimental when combined with our outdated libel laws, but a new-found maturity in terms of the information we seek to consume. I am not saying that I know what information people should consume, but that if we our discontented with the current state of affairs, as recent outrage suggests most people are, the pursuit of resolution solely against the press, would be an exercise in mass hypocrisy and vanity.

We can also see links between the descent of tabloid writing and the slow creep of power into the arsenal of ‘Murdocracy’. The national obsession with celebrity and gossip stories masked a political ignorance. Obviously, not everyone finds politics interesting, but in a successful democracy, a minimum of political awareness, far above that, in my opinion, of the average UK citizen, is required. It is no coincidence, for example, that only the more elitist Guardian newspaper has given the News International scandals the attention they deserve or that the issue of super-injunctions as an affront to liberty were not popularised by the affairs of Carter Ruck and Trafigura but the affair of a famous footballer. As a result as a nation we are collectively numbed to politics, especially as the newspaper barons, eager to promote a pro-business electoral ideology try to portray politics as an irrelevant and corrupt art, as well as hindering the progress selected by the Murdochs of this world. Such an opinion is correct in many ways but one must contest the idea that all politics is malign and that the way of the economic weathermen is the only alternative. Haplessly, politicians were forced to see the views of the popular press and the electorate as one and the same and governed to suit the News International agenda. But mere months ago, the Labour leadership, now trying to champion themselves as the noble knights to slay the Murdoch dragon, chose to attack Vince Cable for daring to even consider clipping its wings.

In this way tabloid rulers shifted the political agenda not to the left or the right but to themselves. By this I mean that they supported policy to further their own ends, on a selfish basis rather than for ideological or technocratic reasons, so that it is regardless what political doctrine such policy is usually associated with, because ultimately political classifications should be based on ends not means. It is grossly wrong and childish for us to say that the tabloids somehow deceived people into voting for the ‘wrong’ party. Nonetheless, the scarce amounts of political coverage in the News International tabloids and similar examples, were highly selective. I shall not offend the general electorate by doubting their capacity to decide who to vote for, but rather the bias atmospheres in which many voters made these decisions. People can control what they think, but the media, increasingly, controls what we think about, and he who chooses the battlefield often wins the day.

A vicious circle forms where public disregard for politics feeds the growth of political power for certain media oligarchs, who in turn encourage said apathy. The steely irony here is thus; the readers who care least for politics indirectly affect it to a much greater extent than the keener spectators.

As the next generation we must, all of us, revive a wider interest in politics and a diversity of opinion. And as Young Greens, we enjoy a radical heritage that makes us best placed to do so. In this way our democracy will be enriched as opinions are given a wider basis, and Britain can enter a Spring of superior compromise and consensus.

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By Jane Watkinson (found at http://janespoliticalramblings.wordpress.com)

You would be forgiven for thinking that there isn’t much else happening in the world of politics aside from the News International/Murdoch empire collapse. However, whilst the focus upon News International – a critical moment for those fighting for alternative, democratic media – is mightily important, there has also been a rather pivotal attack upon the public sector by the government this week, which has been virtually ignored by mainstream reporting. Essentially, it epitomises Cameron’s ‘big society’; the decentralisation of public services – not so they are collectively and democratically controlled for the public interest – so they meet the neoliberal ideal of cost-cutting and ensuring the promotion of a ‘rational’  consumer.

This isn’t new. Technically, this neoliberal driven idea of cost-cutting, masked by the pretence of democracy, has been central to UK social, economic and welfare policies since the 70s/80s – essentially, led by Thatcher, carried on by Major, Blair – and with more venom – the current government. Take mental health, for instance; a programme of de-institutionalisation was implemented around the rise of neoliberalism, driven forward by the Care in the Community programme (for example, around 100 psychiatry hospitals were closed between 1985 and 2000, which meant that there was only around 30 left in the NHS.)

It’s true to say that mental health services are rather poor and certainly one of the most under-resourced areas of social provision. This is not set to improve under the guise of Cameron and co.; already most of the secure units are run by the private sector and often cost three times more than a psychiatry bed in a general hospital. Again, the rational of private sector provision is profit – here, it is to make a profit out of problems that are largely caused by the very thing driving the private focused provision: neoliberalism. Likewise, given the ever decreasing funding opportunities for the third sector (I had first-hand experience of this, when researching funding options for a company I am one of the director’s for - SilenceBreakers), community and voluntary provision is often skewed by the direction of the government (so shaped by neoliberal fascinations) in order to guarantee funding.

In oxymoron fashion, endless choice is branded as control and freedom – when really, the excessive choice and competition creates a dangerous focus upon ‘consumers’ (people) having to self-regulate as rational subjects, meeting the stringent neoliberal ideas of what it means to be ‘normal’. All this choice is really a cover for the endless production of false needs, hopes and aspirations – that really curtail the real needs, hopes and aspirations people have.

I am all for enhancing local control, democratic decision-making and providing people a real say in the provision of their services. But, history stands as a clear testament of the failures of private provision in enabling this; after all, most PFI and private led ‘investments’ fall back on state/public funding.  Therefore, often rather than decreasing central control, the private sector promotes corporate and minority interests (that many in the cabinet represent) that fails and thus relies upon the public to bail them out – no public liberation there; instead, we lose our jobs, health care, welfare, education provision because of the sheer spineless selfish gluttony of those who threaten, mess up and never take responsibility for their actions. Instead, the public are preached to about the virtues of responsibility, whilst we are also threatened by the dangers of those gutless individuals who nearly collapsed the country, then spit their dummy out threatening to flea (good riddance.)

In fact, what is truly concerning is the news that public sector services could be left to fail in order to create a ‘real’ market; a market that would be defined through amorality and total disregard for people’s needs:

Documents obtained by the Guardian under the Freedom of Information Act reveal research by civil servants warning that markets are susceptible to “failure” and costs could in fact rise unless a true market is created by allowing public services to collapse if they are unsuccessful. (From The Guardian)

Rather, collectives, communal arrangements led by real people without governmental agenda pressure would ensure local democracy. Instead, what we have is the promotion of flowery rhetoric, which attempts to mask the sheer callous nature of this government’s onslaught upon ordinary people’s rights as people and citizens.

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Kristina Diprose*

We are all familiar with the purported benefits of internships. They’re a great opportunity, or so we’re told, to develop new skills, enhance employability, get in a foot in the door and take a step up the ladder. We can try a career on for size, make professional contacts and stand out from the pack next time we go to interview. What better way to weather the current slump in entry level work? It’s what any sensible, entrepreneurial would-be employee would do.

The trouble is, my generation isn’t daft. We know the youth unemployment crisis is deeper than the recession, and likely to outlast it unless we stand up for our rights. All across Europe, young people are waking up to precarity. We are a temporary workforce, without employment protection or benefits, on much lower wages, and often, just plain out of work. Even before the crash, it was not unusual to find youth unemployment at double the national rate.

Prevailing logic says the onus is on us to improve our situation one individual at a time. Too many graduates? Get a Masters. Too few jobs? Do an internship. But when we all stand on tiptoes, nobody gets any higher. Internships are meant to offer us a helping hand into employment. Too often, they used as an excuse for cheap if not free skilled labour. This isn’t training: it’s exploitation.

By refusing to pay interns a wage, employers perpetuate unequal and unfair access to career opportunities. Entry into squeezed sectors like the arts, journalism and NGO work should not be decided by who can pay their dues by working 9 to 5 for six months without pay. If you doubt such arrangements exist, check any graduate jobs listings site. (My favourite spot, incidentally, was an unpaid internship with workers’ rights advocacy group Labour Behind the Label.)

An unscientific straw poll amongst my peers suggests the only way such ‘opportunities’ are affordable are: if your family happens to live near an internship provider (generally, in London or the South East) and doesn’t mind subsidising you; if you work an additional full-time job simultaneously; if you commit benefit fraud; or if you save like mad for absolutely ages and sleep on friends’ sofas. I challenge any employer who thinks that their unpaid internship offers young people a fair deal to consider, honestly, would you do this for work?

Too many of us put up with this situation, because we are told it will work out alright for us in the end. Doing something is better than doing nothing. It’s part of the transition to secure full-time work. I have friends with first-class degrees who’ve moved from unpaid internship to unpaid internship for two years, picking up temporary work along the way. They don’t feel excited about their future anymore. They just want to know, at what point does all this employability enhancement actually lead to a job?

Of course, not all internships are of the same the same ilk, and I am happy to see some employers offer structured, meaningful and fair opportunities to train with them. Yet despite an employment tribunal ruling that expenses-only internships are illegal, the practice is still widespread and Government guidelines are grey at best. We need stronger national minimum wage legislation to protect our rights at work. We also need employers, especially those in receipt of public money, to start practising what they preach about social justice, fair access and opportunity for all.

If you feel strongly about this issue or want to share your experiences of being an intern, here are some recommended links:

A European Youth Forum survey about the situation of interns in Europe: http://www.surveymonkey.com/s/Europe-Internships

Intern Aware, a campaign promoting fair access to the internship system: http://www.internaware.org/

Internocracy, a youth-led social enterprise working to change the culture of internships in the UK:

http://www.internocracy.org/

 

* Kristina is a PhD student at the University of Leeds, researching voluntary sector youth outreach and transnational activism.

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This by Harry Wells, on the importance of arts funding.

Funding, by research council:

£102mil AHRC
£470mil BBSRC
£740mil EPSRC
£350mil MRC
£400mil NERC
£211mil ESRC
£491mil STFC

Even before the impact of any proposed cuts, you’d get no prizes for guessing that the Arts & Humanities Research Council is by far the worst-funded of Britain’s seven research councils; of the approximate 15% of their total budget the AHRC is entitled to, it currently takes £102mil a year, an actual figure of 4%. Unsurprisingly, the next lowest-funded is the Economic & Social Research Council, at £211mil, or approximately 8% of the total budget. And yet, Lord Salisbury’s report in 2004 stated that ‘[the arts] lead the way in promoting understanding of the nation’s history and other cultures, religions and societies, helping to sustain both national identity and multicultural tolerance’, and encouraged the idea that it be treated on an equal footing with sciences in terms of funding, and Beethoven himself once said No one should drive a hard bargain with an artist.’ On top of the recent cuts to library funding, the question has to be asked; why, exactly, are the arts such a target? And do they deserve to be prioritised below scientific fields?

One reason could perhaps be the public perception of the arts that Lord Salisbury’s report challenged; the cliché image of the unemployed painter, or the alcoholic author, living in a dingy studio apartment in Paris and rolling slowly toward an opiate-filled grave combined with the concurrent low graduate employment figures for most arts subjects (perhaps excluding foreign languages) when compared with fields such as medicine and engineering have led to an idea of the arts as the predecessors to ‘soft subjects’; not exactly easy or wasteful, but not contributing to society in the same way that developing new astrophysical theories into the creation of the world does. These ideas, however, could be argued to be a contemporary phenomenom, surely; in the same way that during the Renaissance, the work of artists and poets took to the fore as the most effective way of developing culture and understanding, in our modern information age, the same is true for computer science and molecular genetics. The fact of the matter is that societal progress, at the moment, does depend on science, just as it depended on art in the 18th Century. This isn’t, however, a reason to forget the importance of art, as the Conservative-led government would quite happily do; their penchant for slashing and burning whatever isn’t useful at the exact moment is phenomenal. At some point in the future, when science has taken us to the edge of understanding in fields like medicine and the creation of the universe, what will be left to expand upon but the arts?

The other, perhaps more contextual factor in this case, is that the arts are the most effective way to resist a government; and are all the more likely to do so in one that’s cutting them. The world’s most famous writers, musicians and painters have been all-too explicitly anti-establishment; Oscar Wilde, Elvis Presley, Banksy. Across ages and cultures, the arts are a medium to express passive, peaceful resistance, understood as early as the time of Plato; why else would the poets in The Republic have been the first to be cast out? The arts were the first target for budget cuts in Thatcher’s Cabinet, and countries such as the People’s Republic of China and Burma, noted for being repressive fairly universally, are particularly draconian in their treatment of the internet and literature. This argument really needs no rebuttal; if it is the case that part of the coalition’s intention behind library and research funding cuts is to silence potential opposition, it cannot be allowed to work.

Whilst nothing further than the reduction in library budgets has been announced, any cut in the arts would be insurmountably dangerous; and with more disapproval coming from the camp of children’s authors than Her Majesty’s ‘Opposition’, grassroots forces need to move in the same way they did against the NHS Bill. ‘Art is science made clear’; it would be hard to turn a blind eye to it.

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